By Evelyn Gordon June
21, 2016
For the full article go to: http://tinyurl.com/h5uo4q9
The standard narrative about Israel these days goes like this: The
current government is the most right-wing ever, the public is increasingly
racist and anti-democratic, and the prime minister is either a right-wing
zealot or a coward afraid to challenge his right-wing base. But the most
remarkable part of this narrative is how durable it has proven despite all
evidence to the contrary.
The latest such evidence comes from today’s Jerusalem Post report about a massive drop in construction in
the settlements. According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, housing starts
in the settlements plummeted by 53 percent in the first quarter, compared to an
8.1 percent decline in housing starts nationwide. Needless to say, one would
expect settlement construction to soar under Israel’s “most right-wing
government ever” and a prime minister captive to his right-wing base. Yet in
fact, as I’ve written before, the “right-wing” Benjamin
Netanyahu has consistently built less in the settlements than any of his
left-wing predecessors–a fact that never seems to disturb proponents of the
“far-right extremist” narrative.
Even more noteworthy was a pair of reports in the left-wing daily Haaretz
earlier this month about two unprecedented moves to boost equality for Israeli
Arabs. The first report noted that the Council for Higher Education, chaired by
Education Minister Naftali Bennett of the right-of-center Jewish Home party, is
advancing plans for Israel’s first ever BA-granting college in an Arab town. Until now,
the only institutes of higher education in Arab towns have been teacher’s
colleges. But a tender to set up a BA-granting college closed on May 31, and
the CHE is now reviewing the five bids it received. The winner is expected to
be announced in another few months, and the new institution is slated to open
next year. To help it succeed, the government has promised millions of shekels
in start-up funds plus an annual budget of 20 to 40 million shekels (depending
on enrollment).
The new institution is expected to significantly increase the
number of Arabs, and especially Arab women, obtaining BAs, because many will
now be able to live at home and commute to college. Not only will this
eliminate the expense of renting apartments near campus, but it also solves the
access problem for women from conservative Arab families who are barred by
social norms from living away from home.
The second report described two moves to ease the housing shortage in Arab communities.
First, a government planning committee decided to build a new neighborhood in
the Arab city of Taibeh, which “will be one of the largest building plans in
the Arab sector to have been approved for many years,” the report noted.
Second, the Interior Ministry approved a decision to take land from the Jewish
jurisdiction of Misgav and give it to the Arab town of Sakhnin. The report also
noted that these decisions are merely the latest in “an increasing number” over
the past year and a half intended “to accelerate development in the Arab
sector, after many decades of neglect and inaction.”
Like the drop in settlement construction, these efforts on behalf
of Israeli Arabs don’t exactly fit the narrative of a government and public
mired in right-wing extremism. Indeed, they contradict it so blatantly that
even Haaretz reporter Nimrod Bousso couldn’t ignore it. “One cannot help
but wonder why this change is finally taking place under the leadership of
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the man who never seems to miss a chance to
demonstrate hostility toward the group that makes up a fifth of Israel’s
population … and whose government has a significant number of members with
nationalist views,” he wrote in his news story on the Taibeh and Sakhnin
decisions.
The answer, of course, is that the narrative is simply wrong on
every count. Diplomatically speaking, as I’ve noted before, this government is actually one of
the more left-wing in Israel’s history: Though Netanyahu doesn’t consider a
two-state solution achievable right now, he does accept the idea in principle;
in contrast, during Israel’s first 45 years of existence, all governments from
both left and right considered a Palestinian state anathema. And Netanyahu’s
policy of restraining settlement construction – which, contrary to his
“cowardly” image, he has maintained despite considerable opposition from parts
of his base – is consistent with his stated commitment to a two-state solution.
Moreover, as the examples above show, his past three governments
have actually been among the most progressive in Israel’s history in terms of
their practical efforts to improve Arab integration. And unlike his settlement
policy, his efforts to advance Arab equality have sparked no significant
opposition from either his cabinet or his electorate, even though Israeli Arabs
overwhelmingly vote for his political opponents.
The reason is simple: Any
government which considers Israeli-Palestinian peace unachievable in the
foreseeable future has no choice but to invest in Israel’s internal
development, in order to ensure that the country is strong enough to survive
without peace. And improving Arab integration is crucial to the country’s
internal development because Israeli Arabs, currently underrepresented in both
higher education and the work force, represent one of the main potential
sources of future economic growth.
But proponents of the “far-right-extremism” narrative seem utterly
impervious to the facts. So they can only scratch their heads in puzzlement
over why Israel’s “most right-wing government ever” is precisely the one that’s
taking far-reaching steps to improve the lot of Israeli Arabs.
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